Por Florencia Trentini
En los últimos meses de 2017, el gobierno nacional y los medios de comunicación hegemónicos instalaron una fuerte campaña de criminalización y estigmatización al Pueblo Mapuche en Argentina. Sus argumentos no son nuevos, sino que se sustentan, por un lado, sobre la histórica dicotomía de “civilización y barbarie” que sirvió para justificar el genocidio iniciado con la “Conquista del Desierto”. Y por otra parte, retoman el planteo acerca de la araucanización de las pampas que ha construido la historia oficial, estableciendo una lógica que presenta a los mapuche como violentos e incivilizables extranjeros chilenos que cruzaron la Cordillera de los Andes y exterminaron a los verdaderos indígenas argentinos, los buenos y civilizables tehuelches. Ambos planteos han sido fuertemente refutados por diversas disciplinas científicas como la antropología, la arqueología, la historia, la etnohistoria, pero continúan fuertemente arraigados en el sentido común de la sociedad y sobre todo en los discursos de los medios hegemónicos de comunicación, sirviendo como un justificativo a la fuerte política represiva que el actual gobierno nacional viene llevando adelante en la Patagonia.
Estos discursos se han instalado fuertemente en los últimos años a nivel regional en el marco de un contexto particular, en el cual los conflictos territoriales vienen aumentando producto del avance de la frontera extractiva y de la privatización y extranjerización de las tierras. Y en donde los integrantes del Pueblo Mapuche vienen llevando adelante un fuerte proceso de readscripción étnica y conformación de comunidades después de años de discriminación, violencia e invisibilización de la identidad indígena que en muchos casos dio como resultado el no reconocimiento público de esta identidad. Así, los principales argumentos que actualmente se utilizan para cuestionar los reclamos mapuche se basan en lecturas esencialistas de la(s) identidad(es) que no tienen en cuenta los procesos históricos ni las relaciones de poder, que niegan el cambio y continúan definiendo a las identidades como una sumatoria de rasgos y características y no como procesos de construcción relacionales que se reconstruyen y actualizan permanentemente (Trentini et al. 2010).
Como veremos, el eje del conflicto, tanto al momento de la conformación del Estado argentino en Patagonia, como en la actualidad es la tierra. Por este motivo es importante destacar que durante 2017, la campaña de estigmatización y criminalización al Pueblo Mapuche en particular y a los pueblos indígenas en general, se dio en el marco de un debate por la prórroga de la Ley Nacional 26.160, sancionada en 2006 (y prorrogada en otras dos oportunidades), que declara la emergencia en materia de posesión y propiedad de las tierras que tradicionalmente ocupan las comunidades indígenas originarias de Argentina. Esta Ley dispone relevar los territorios de uso actual, tradicional y público de las comunidades indígenas para posteriormente regularizarlos. No obstante, la demora en la implementación de dicha Ley y el hecho de que muchas comunidades que han sido desalojadas estén comenzando a “volver al territorio” se ha vuelto un eje central de conflicto entre las comunidades y los grandes terratenientes nacionales y extranjeros.
En este marco en los últimos meses de 2017 se fue construyendo desde el gobierno nacional, en la voz de la Ministra de Seguridad, Patricia Bullrich, la amenaza de terrorismo corporizado en la RAM (Resistencia Ancestral Mapuche), definido como “un grupo violento que quiere imponer una república autónoma y mapuche en el medio de la Argentina”1. Asimismo, se busca instalar la idea de supuestas prácticas anarquistas que desconocen al Estado y no respetan ninguna ley.
Frente a esto, el presente artículo busca desandar y poner en cuestión las argumentaciones que legitiman la violencia hacia el Pueblo Mapuche, mostrando como históricamente se los construyó como un “enemigo interno” que pone en peligro la civilización y el progreso, primero en tanto bárbaros y ahora como terroristas, justificando así la necesidad de su “exterminio” físico y cultural. Asimismo, pretende revisar el concepto de legalidad y estado de derecho, utilizado para justificar la política represiva hacia el Pueblo Mapuche, en relación al concepto de estado de excepción de Agamben (2005) para poder pensar cómo se construye la argumentación que permite que este pueblo esté exceptuado de ciertos derechos y que entonces las desapariciones y muertes por parte de las fuerzas de seguridad en el marco de esta supuesta “guerra” estén justificadas y permitidas.
Civilización y barbarie: el mapuche como enemigo interno. Parte I
Como punto de partida para comprender la situación actual en Patagonia es imprescindible retrotraerse al momento de la “Conquista del Desierto” y al proceso de inclusión de esta región al Estado Nacional argentino. Entendemos que esta “conquista” implicó en realidad un genocidio que permanece abierto, en tanto como explica Lenton (2014), el mismo no se limita al exterminio sistemático en un periodo de tiempo específico, sino que se extiende simbólica y políticamente mientras permanezcan las condiciones estructurales que posibilitan su continuidad. Como sostiene esta autora, este proceso genocida seguirá vigente mientras no se reconozca públicamente, teniendo repercusiones en lo jurídico, pero sobre todo, una sanción moral.
En Argentina, en las últimas décadas del siglo XIX, el recién consolidado Estado-nación, asumió el desafío de conquistar y consolidar sus fronteras interiores, extendiéndose sobre áreas que hasta entonces habían permanecido bajo control de diferentes pueblos indígenas. Este proceso se llevó adelante mediante dos mecanismos interrelacionados: por un lado la violencia directa a través del avance del ejército, y por otro lado, la construcción y consolidación de una ideología europeizante y racista que justificó este avance e invisibilizó el rol de la población indígena en la conformación de nuestra identidad nacional.
En este proceso, la concepción de “desierto” y la construcción de una dicotomía entre “civilización y barbarie” devinieron centrales para consolidar un discurso legitimador de “la conquista” (Bartolomé, 2003). Como sostiene Foucault, el bárbaro, a diferencia del salvaje, es aquel que no puede definirse más que en relación con una civilización a la que “no pertenece y a la que procura destruir y apropiarse. El bárbaro es siempre el hombre que invade las fronteras de los Estados” (2000: 180-181). Así, desde esta visión la Patagonia estaba “desierta” porque estaba habitada por “barbaros incivilizables”, cuyos malones ponían en peligro a los “verdaderos” ciudadanos argentinos. En este sentido, como afirma Bartolomé, “(…) el mito del territorio ‘desierto’ ha sido funcional a la historiografía argentina, en tanto fundamentaba el modelo europeizante bajo el cual se organizó el proceso de construcción nacional” (2003: 163).
Este discurso deslegitimante que construyó al indígena como un enemigo, sumido en los vicios y la ociosidad (Méndez, 2005) debe pensarse como una forma de violencia cultural que hasta el día de hoy continúa fuertemente arraigada en el sentido común, naturalizando la violencia estructural que define la forma de incorporación de los indígenas en el sistema económico capitalista: mano de obra barata, y que los constituyó como los verdaderos excluidos del sistema político (Trentini y Pérez, 2015).
Una vez culminadas las avanzadas militares, las políticas implementadas por el Estado fueron heterogéneas e impactaron de manera diferencial en la totalidad del espacio nacional, buscando cumplir con tres objetivos centrales: la consolidación de las fronteras, los intereses específicos de los grupos de poder económico en la distribución de la tierra pública, y la gradual asimilación social y cultural de la población indígena (Mases, 2002). En este sentido, el genocidio fue continuado mediante un “etnocidio” (Clastres, 1996), que implicó la destrucción sistemática de los modos de vida y pensamiento de estos pueblos. Así, la República Argentina se fue constituyendo como una nación “sin indios”, fruto del “crisol de razas”.
Lo que siguió a “la conquista” fue la implementación de diversas políticas que generaron una creciente invisibilización y negación de la identidad mapuche y asociaron la misma a estereotipos estigmatizantes vinculados a la nacionalidad chilena (Radovich y Balazote, 2009). En este devenir histórico, los mapuches fueron considerados bárbaros que había que exterminar mediante “la conquista” y posteriormente tratar de civilizar e integrar al Estado argentino, principalmente mediante la incorporación al mercado formal de trabajo, desestructurando en el proceso su accionar comunitario (Mases, 2014). Asimismo, cuando no fueron construidos como invasores chilenos se los incluyó bajo la categoría homogeneizadora de “primeros pobladores” de las localidades que empezaban a fundarse, subsumidos detrás de la idea de “los pioneros” de origen europeo, que identificaba a aquellos que arribaban a la zona y pertenecían a las clases adineradas o propietarias (Tozzini, 2004; Crespo, 2008).
Por lo tanto, la lógica del doble juego de inclusión/exclusión fue generando la estigmatización de este pueblo en tanto bárbaro invasor chileno ajeno y enemigo del nuevo Estado que se estaba consolidando, o buscó su integración a partir de negar e invisibilizar la diversidad cultural, homogeneizándolo bajo la categoría genérica de “pobladores argentinos”. En este proceso de incorporación contradictoria del Pueblo Mapuche al Estado, se fueron produciendo subjetividades y juridicidades que han marcado las trayectorias y experiencias de quienes hoy deciden autoadscribir públicamente como parte del Pueblo Mapuche. Para comprender los procesos y conflictos actuales es necesario tener en cuenta como nuestro país se construyó sobre la idea de ser una sociedad blanca, europea, civilizada y sin indios. Y de esta forma, el evolucionismo social (Foucault, 2000), sentó las bases para colaborar pasiva y/o activamente con la violencia hacia este pueblo que permitió su incorporación al Estado argentino en tanto excluidos, marginales, subalternos y no-propietarios. Y que en la actualidad sirve para deslegitimar sus reclamos políticos acusándolos de delincuentes, usurpadores y terroristas (Trentini y Pérez, 2015).
En este sentido, la dicotomía entre civilización y barbarie, principal fundamento ideológico de “la Conquista del desierto”, continúa siendo la matriz para pensar las relaciones con el Pueblo Mapuche, más allá de las resignificaciones que esta dicotomía ha tenido a través del tiempo. Así, la “producción de alteridad” (Briones, 2005) con respecto a este pueblo, solo puede entenderse en función de un rasgo que históricamente ha estado asociado al Pueblo Mapuche: su carácter delictivo (Mases, 2014).
Civilización y terrorismo: el mapuche como enemigo interno. Parte II
Un fuerte argumento que actualmente se utiliza en la campaña mediática de estigmatización al Pueblo Mapuche para negar sus derechos e invalidar sus reclamos territoriales es su supuesto origen chileno. Durante años la noción de “araucanización” ha sido utilizada para presentar a este pueblo como “invasor”. Este prejuicio fue fuertemente construido durante el proceso de conformación del Estado argentino en Patagonia, cuando la constante amenaza de conflicto territorial con Chile permitió que la cuestión nacional subsumiera o encubriera la cuestión étnica (Radovich y Balazote, 2009). Las “teorías conspirativas”, que hoy son retomadas en los discursos de los medios de comunicación y el gobierno nacional, actuaron como ingeniería ideológica del nacionalismo oficial, para encubrir o negar la “cuestión indígena”, ya sea subordinándola al problema global, afirmando que un creciente reconocimiento de derechos a los mapuches atentaría contra la soberanía nacional en el contexto de un conflicto fronterizo, o bien negándola, al integrar la cuestión indígena al conflicto nacional, otorgando a los mapuches una nacionalidad: la chilena. Esta afirmación, reutilizada hoy, desconoce las recientes investigaciones históricas, etnohistóricas, antropológicas y arqueológicas que vienen conceptualizando a la cordillera de los Andes como un espacio sumamente dinámico, remarcando la imposibilidad de explicar una dinámica regional en el que la misma no significaba un límite o una barrera, sino que integraba un circuito económico y social en el que la Araucanía no puede entenderse sin las pampas, ni viceversa (Mandrini, 2007).
Las pretendidas lecturas sobre la supuesta “invasión” omiten el dinamismo de este espacio, comprobado mediante información histórica y arqueológica, desconociendo y negando la evidencia de la temprana presencia mapuche en las pampas, muy anterior a la conformación tanto de Argentina como de Chile. Así, diversos trabajos científicos demuestran que la cordillera se convirtió en un límite varias décadas después de la conformación de ambos Estados. Mientras tanto, perduraron circuitos de intercambio socioeconómicos de la época anterior a la conquista que mantuvieron una articulación permanente entre ambos países (Bandieri, 2005).
De esta manera, en trabajos previos (Trentini et al., 2010) hemos sostenido que atribuir a ambos países los límites efectivos que hoy sostienen representa una lectura sesgada que desconoce que la constitución de la cordillera como un límite tuvo lugar varias décadas después del establecimiento formal de las fronteras entre ambos países. Y esta misma falacia es la que permite trasladar una supuesta nacionalidad rígida a poblaciones que previamente circulaban a uno y otro lado de la cordillera.
En la actualidad el mito de la araucanización de las pampas es retomado para justificar la afirmación de terrorismo atribuido al Pueblo Mapuche, en tanto el continuar afirmando su supuesto origen chileno permite extrapolar las acusaciones que se vienen llevando adelante del otro lado de la cordillera, utilizando la Ley Antiterrorista (Aylwin, 2010). En Norpatagonia argentina, la utilización del terrorismo como forma de explicar ciertas prácticas del Pueblo Mapuche debe entenderse a partir de un proceso histórico específico, signado por la discriminación, invisibilización y estigmatización a “lo mapuche”, pero fundamentalmente al proceso de re-adscripción étnica que se viene dando en los últimos años y que ha generado profundos cuestionamientos y dudas sobre la veracidad de estos reclamos, principalmente desde los sectores de poder hegemónico y desde los medios de comunicación (García y Valverde, 2007).
De esta manera, la histórica equiparación del mapuche con el chileno se pone en juego para negar la validez de las demandas territoriales de este pueblo, porque si son chilenos no tienen derecho a reclamar lo que hoy es territorio argentino (Trentini et al., 2010), y además permite atribuirles la caracterización de terrorismo que está siendo utilizada en Chile. Esta situación vuelve a retomar la dicotomía entre civilización y barbarie, ahora resignificada, ya que si como sostiene Foucault (2000), el bárbaro es quien se encuentra en los márgenes de la civilización, actualmente –a nivel mundial- toda violencia antiestatal se asimila al terrorismo, y esta acusación cancela cualquier derecho y justifica cualquier acción para detenerlo (Calveiro, 2008). Por eso, antes bárbaros y ahora terroristas (Trentini y Pérez, 2015).
A modo de reflexión: la RAM, el estado de derecho y el estado de excepción
El 1ero de agosto de 2017, en el marco de una fuerte represión a la comunidad Pu Lof en Resistencia Cushamen, en la provincia de Chubut desapareció Santiago Maldonado, un joven no mapuche que se encontraba en la comunidad apoyando el reclamo territorial. Este hecho puso en el ojo de los medios de comunicación hegemónicos lo que venía pasando en los territorios indígenas a lo largo y ancho de nuestro país: violencia y represión. Sin embargo, lejos de responsabilizarse por un desaparecido en democracia, el gobierno nacional, a través de su Ministra de Seguridad, se dedicó a iniciar una fuerte campaña de estigmatización al Pueblo Mapuche que pretendía justificar y legitimar el accionar de las fuerzas de seguridad.
En este contexto surgió con fuerza la hipótesis de la RAM (Resistencia Ancestral Mapuche), definido por el gobierno como un grupo violento sin respeto por el Estado y la ley, con supuestas vinculaciones a grupos terroristas como ISIS. Sin ninguna prueba más que una foto que circuló por los medios de comunicación donde se presentaba un “arsenal terrorista” compuesto por herramientas para trabajar el campo, se empezó a construir la idea del peligro del terrorismo y la necesidad de combatirlo.
En numerosas apariciones públicas, la Ministra de Seguridad afirmó que “nuestra decisión es total y absoluta de no permitir que en la Argentina se asiente un grupo que utilice la violencia como forma de acción y quiera imponer una república autónoma y mapuche en el medio de la Argentina” y explicó que “nos encontramos con una situación de mucha violencia, de gente que pasa todos los límites de los comportamientos democráticos, que utiliza cuchillos, armas, molotov, que rompe todo”. Según el gobierno este accionar “se enmarca en una lógica de desconocimiento del Estado argentino, la lógica anarquista y de ninguna manera lo vamos a permitir”. 2
De esta manera se fue instalando mediáticamente la supuesta existencia de un grupo terrorista mapuche en Patagonia, que según el gobierno habría cometido casi 70 atentados en los últimos años. Lejos de mermar, la campaña estigmatizante fue creciendo y tuvo como resultado otro violento episodio en el marco de otra represión, esta vez en una comunidad de Río Negro, el 25 de noviembre de 2017, que culminó con la muerte de un joven de 22 años al que las fuerzas de seguridad le dispararon por la espalda estando desarmado. En esta oportunidad nuevamente el argumento de la Ministra de Seguridad para justificar el hecho fue la necesidad de combatir la violencia extrema de la RAM.
En este sentido, más allá de discutir sobre la existencia o no de la RAM -sobre la que efectivamente no existen pruebas oficiales, y que desde el propio gobierno se llegó a afirmar que representaba la construcción de todos los grupos violentos más que a un grupo concreto en sí-, lo que nos interesa en el presente artículo es pensar cómo la idea de un “estado de derecho” se articula con la idea de “estado de excepción” de Agamben (2005) para construir la legalidad de prácticas represivas hacia el Pueblo Mapuche.
A grande rasgos podríamos decir que un estado de derecho es un modelo de orden regido por un sistema de leyes e instituciones en el que toda acción debe estar sujeta a normas jurídicas (Foucault, 2007). En este sentido, la construcción de un grupo que corporiza la violencia extrema, que actúa por fuera de esas leyes y que desconoce esas instituciones lo pone en grave peligro. Frente a esto el gobierno se preocupa permanentemente por distinguir a la RAM del Pueblo Mapuche, sosteniendo además que este pueblo es víctima también del accionar de estos terroristas y que también debe ser protegido.
Entendemos que esta diferenciación tiene una explicación en el hecho de que el estado de derecho en Argentina incluye el reconocimiento de derechos a los pueblos indígenas. En 1945 nuestro país reconoció oficialmente la existencia de poblaciones indígenas y se incorporó como Estado miembro del Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, organismo de la OEA; adhirió al Convenio 107 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) en 1957; sancionó la Ley 23.302 “De Política Indígena y de Apoyo a las Comunidades Aborígenes” en 1985, creando el Instituto Nacional de Asuntos Indígenas (INAI); creó entre 1985 y 1994 cuerpos jurídicos provinciales que incorporaron el concepto de participación de las organizaciones indígenas (Gorosito, 2008). Y finalmente en 1994, en la Reforma de la Constitución Nacional incorporó entra las atribuciones del Congreso
Reconocer la preexistencia étnica y cultural de los pueblos indígenas argentinos. Garantizar el respeto a su identidad y el derecho a una educación bilingüe e intercultural; reconocer la personería jurídica de sus comunidades, y la posesión y propiedad comunitarias de las tierras que tradicionalmente ocupan; y regular la entrega de otras aptas y suficientes para el desarrollo humano; ninguna de ellas será enajenable, transmisible ni susceptible de gravámenes o embargos. Asegurar su participación en la gestión referida a sus recursos naturales y a los demás intereses que los afecten. Las provincias pueden ejercer concurrentemente estas atribuciones (Constitución Nacional Argentina, 1994, Art.75 inc.17).
Asimismo, en el año 2000, ratificó el Convenio 169 de la OIT (aprobado por Ley 24.071), que muestra un cambio con respecto a la normativa anterior (Convenio 107), pasando de la idea de “integración” y “asimilación” a un paradigma intercultural que reconoce los derechos de los indígenas como miembros de distintos pueblos. Además, en septiembre de 2007, la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas aprobó por mayoría la Declaración sobre Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, que si bien no es vinculante para los Estados, adquiere relevancia en el contexto actual de discusión de los derechos indígenas, principalmente porque reconoce el derecho a la libredeterminación (Ramírez, 2008). Y en 2006 se sancionó la Ley Nacional 26.160 que declara la emergencia en materia de posesión y propiedad comunitaria indígena.3
Todos estos cuerpos legales, en los que los indígenas son considerados como sujetos de derecho, muestran un avance en comparación con el marco jurídico previo, que sostenía como atribución del Congreso “conservar el trato pacífico con los indios y promover su conversión al catolicismo” (Constitución Nacional, 1853). Asimismo, estos cambios deben entenderse en estrecha relación con el proceso de fortalecimiento y consolidación de las organizaciones de pueblos indígenas que lucharon por el reconocimiento de sus derechos en la Reforma de 1994. Sin embargo, varios autores advierten que si bien esto ha implicado un mayor nivel de reconocimiento institucional, aún existe una importante contradicción entre los marcos jurídicos, la definición de políticas públicas y la implementación de ambos en la práctica concreta y cotidiana (Carrasco, 2000; Bazán, 2003; Sieder, 2004; Van Dam, 2008; Ramírez, 2008).
En este sentido, si bien desde lo discursivo se busca separar a la RAM, como grupo de violencia extrema, del resto del Pueblo Mapuche, en lo concreto parte del éxito de la construcción de la RAM por parte del gobierno y los medios se basa en el discurso que construyó a los mapuches como bárbaros incivilizados, reutilizado en la actualidad para deslegitimar los reclamos políticos de este pueblo. La imagen estigmatizada, construida mediante un discurso evolucionista, civilizatorio y racista, ha invisibilizado la violencia estructural que incluyó a los mapuche en tanto excluidos y ha justificado la violencia directa que actualmente se corporiza mediante violentas represiones. Las mismas son posibles porque históricamente se ha construido y deificado el miedo a la violencia y al carácter delictivo de los mapuche (Trentini y Pérez, 2015).
En este contexto, la RAM permite hacer jugar la dicotomía civilización y barbarie nuevamente, ahora para construir la idea de que hay pacíficos y hay violentos, de que hay ciudadanos respetuosos de la ley y el Estado y anarquistas violentos que no entienden los límites de lo permitido. Entonces, el estado de derecho se contrapone al estado de excepción al momento de tratar con una parte de la sociedad que queda fuera del orden instituido, fuera de “el derecho” y de su protección, expuestos a la violencia y la represión. Siguiendo a Calveiro (2008) –quien retoma a Agamben-, esta excepcionalidad es en realidad la norma en el caso del Pueblo Mapuche, permitiendo naturalizar la exclusión de algunos sin cuestionamiento del resto de la sociedad, de los integrados, que asumen la ficción de que la ley es general y el derecho universal. Estos excluidos son para Calveiro (2008) los prescindibles-peligrosos. Según Agamben (2005), se trataría de incluir en la violencia legal del orden establecido el derecho a disponer sobre la vida de estos excluidos. Así, según este autor, en las sociedades modernas hay quienes carecen de la protección de la ley sobre la vida y la propiedad o que pueden ser despojados de esta protección sin que esto constituya un delito.
Retomando el concepto de “estado de excepción” de Agamben (2005), nos interesa pensar cómo ciertos sectores son incluidos en la legalidad a través de su exclusión de la misma, cómo hay momentos en los que el derecho se suspende, justamente para garantizar su continuidad y su misma existencia. Según este autor, durante el siglo XX, ese momento en el que se suspende el orden jurídico, y que se supone provisorio, se ha vuelto permanente, se ha vuelto norma, viviendo en una “guerra civil legal” a través de un permanente estado de excepción. Entendemos que esto sucede en Argentina con el Pueblo Mapuche.
Lo que permite en la actualidad el estado de excepción que habilita la represión y legitima las desapariciones y hasta la muerte es la matriz sobre la cual se construyó el Estado argentino: la homogeneización cultural de la población mediante la imposición de una única nacionalidad, fuertemente vinculada a una idea de progreso y civilización, representado por la cultura occidental, europea y de raza blanca. En este proceso, lo mapuche quedó invisibilizado, excepto como el “enemigo interno”, el bárbaro a conquistar y/o exterminar por peligroso, por violento, por delincuente, por eso para combatirlo todo parece estar permitido.
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García, A. y Valverde, S. (2007). Políticas estatales y procesos de etnogénesis en el caso de poblaciones mapuche de Villa La Angostura – Neuquén – Argentina. Cuadernos de Antropología Social. Nro. 25. FFyL-UBA.
Gorosito Kramer, A. (2008). “Convenios y leyes: La retórica políticamente correcta del Estado”. En Cuadernos de Antropología Social, Nº 28, pp. 51–65.
Lenton, D. (2014) “Apuntes en torno a la aplicabilidad del concepto de genocidio en la historia de las relaciones entre el estado argentino y los pueblos originarios”. En Lanata, José Luis (comp.) Prácticas genocidas y violencia estatal en perspectivas transdiciplinar. Bariloche: IIDyPCa-CONICET.
Mandrini, R. (2007). “La historiografía argentina, los pueblos originarios y la incomodidad de los historiadores”. Quinto Sol, Santa Rosa, Núm. 11.
Mases, E. (2002). Estado y cuestión indígena. El destino final de los indios sometidos en el sur del territorio (1878-1910). Prometeo Libros-Entrepasados, Buenos Aires.
Mases, E. (2014) “A veces Bárbaro, a veces civilizado, siempre vago y ladrón”. En Lanata, José Luis (comp.) Prácticas genocidas y violencia estatal en perspectivas transdiciplinar. Bariloche: IIDyPCa-CONICET.
Méndez, L. (2005). “Mi pasado me condena. Chilenos e indígenas en el Nahuel Huapi 1880-1935”. En VI Congreso de Historia Política y Social de la Patagonia Argentino-Chilena. Universidad Nacional de la Patagonia “San Juan Bosco”.
Radovich, J.C. y Balazote, A. (2009). “El pueblo mapuche contra la discriminación y el etnocidio”. En: Ghioldi, Gerardo (comp.) Historia de las familias Paichil Antriao y Quintriqueo de la Costa Norte del lago Nahuel Huapi. Villa la Angostura: Archivos del Sur.
Ramírez, S. (2008). “Derechos de los Pueblos indígenas: protección normativa, reconocimiento constitucional y decisiones judiciales”. En Gargarella, R. (coord.) Teoría y Crítica del Derecho Constitucional) Abeledo Perrot, Buenos Aires.
Sieder, R. (2004). Del Indigenismo Institucional Integracionista a la Gestión Pluralista de las Políticas Públicas. IV Congreso de la Red Latinoamericana de Antropología Jurídica (RELAJU). Globalización y pluralismo jurídico: luchas sociales y legales en la construcción de estados interculturales. Quito, Ecuador.
Tozzini, Alma. (2004). “Del Límite natural a la frontera social: Tierras Linajes y Memoria en Lago Puelo”. Tesis de Licenciatura. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, UBA. Mimeo.
Trentini, F., Valverde, S., Radovich, J.C., Berón, M. y Balazote, A. (2010). “Los nostálgicos del desierto: la cuestión mapuche en Argentina y el estigma en los medios”. Revista Cultura y Representaciones Sociales, Año 4, N° 8. México: 186 –212.
Trentini, F. y Pérez, A. (2015). “Formas de violencia hacia el pueblo mapuche en Argentina Reflexiones a partir del caso de la comunidad Roberto Maliqueo”. Revista Argumentos, Año 28, N° 78. México: 139-159.
Van Dam, C. (2008). Tierra, territorio y derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, campesinos y pequeños productores de Salta, Serie de Documentos de capacitación N° 2. Buenos Aires, Secretaría Agricultura, Ganadería, Pesca y Alimentos.
1 Diario Perfil, Bullrich: «No permitiremos que impongan una república autónoma mapuche». 8 de agosto de 2017.
2 Citas de Diario Perfil, Bullrich: «No permitiremos que impongan una república autónoma mapuche», 8 de agosto de 2017.
3 Ley N° 26.160 de 2006 “Declaración de la emergencia en materia de posesión y propiedad de las tierras tradicionalmente ocupadas por comunidades indígenas originarias”. Fue prorrogada mediante Ley N° 26.554 “Prórroga de los plazos establecidos en la Ley Nº 26.160 en relación con la declaración de la emergencia en materia de posesión y propiedad de las tierras tradicionalmente ocupadas por comunidades indígenas originarias” y nuevamente prorrogada en 2013 mediante la Ley N° 26.894 hasta el 2017 (INAI, 2009).
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